**By: Yaqub Yasna**
The Ismaili Shiites constitute a religious minority in Afghanistan, encompassing individuals from the Hazara, Tajik, Sadat, Uzbek ethnic groups, and a small number of Pashtuns. They reside in various provinces, including Kabul, Badakhshan, Kunduz, Bamiyan, Mazar, Baghlan, Wardak, Parwan, and others. Like the broader Afghan population, the Ismaili community has not been officially counted, but it is estimated that there could be around two million Ismailis in Afghanistan.
To examine the political, social, and religious status of the Ismaili community in Afghanistan, it is essential to consider the broader historical and sociopolitical context of the country. Afghanistan's tumultuous history of war and violence has profoundly impacted the Ismaili community. Every political and social upheaval in Afghanistan has disproportionately affected the Ismailis, often exacerbating their vulnerability and marginalization. This can be attributed to the fact that the Ismaili community, as a religious minority, has faced prejudice from both Sunni and Shia Muslims. Consequently, the Ismailis have frequently been subjected to harm and persecution, with little to no protection from the state.
Historically, during times of conflict and lawlessness, the persecution of the Ismailis has intensified. Sunni Tajiks have inflicted significant harm on the Tajik Ismailis, and during the period of jihad, Tajik mujahideen forcibly married Ismaili women. Similarly, Sunni and Shia Hazaras have caused considerable suffering for the Hazara Ismailis. For instance, the Sunni Hazara people of Karam Ali have repeatedly attacked the Niki village, plundering the property and possessions of the Ismailis.
Some argue that had Sayed Mansoor Naderi not taken a military stance, the Ismailis would not have faced such persecution. However, this perspective is historically and socially flawed. The Ismailis have never instigated conflicts with followers of other religions; rather, it is the followers of other sects who have considered it their right to kill or convert Ismailis. This ongoing threat has compelled the Ismailis to defend themselves.
Sayed Mansoor Naderi led the Ismaili community during one of Afghanistan's most volatile and war-torn periods. He successfully protected the Ismailis from the onslaught of religiously intolerant groups. Similar to Hassan-i-Sabbah, who defended his community without launching attacks, Sayed Mansoor Naderi also refrained from aggression, instead focusing on defense against repeated assaults by others. Historically, the Seljuk Empire made multiple attempts to annihilate the Ismailis, but Hassan-i-Sabbah defended his people.
Ismaili Tajiks and Hazaras should not rely on their Sunni and Shia counterparts for protection, as the religious perspectives of Sunni Tajiks and Hazaras often prevent them from defending the Ismaili minority. The Ismaili community should maintain unity around their religious identity and seek global political and human rights support to define special minority status conditions for their protection. Currently, Sunni Tajiks and Hazaras are the primary perpetrators of forced conversions among the Ismailis, a level of oppression not seen from Sunni Pashtuns.
As mentioned, Afghanistan's contemporary history is marked by war and violence, and the Ismaili community, as part of this history, has also experienced internal strife. Political affiliations and organizational allegiances that exist within Afghanistan are mirrored within the Ismaili community. Members of the Ismaili community have been part of various political factions, including the Khalq, Parcham, Mujahideen, and even the Taliban, engaging in violence according to their political leanings.
In this note, I wish to express my views on Sayed Mansoor Naderi and explain my connection with him. My intent is not to elevate my own status but to clarify my political and social relationships, which have often been questioned due to my visibility as a public figure outside the Ismaili community.
**Who is Sayed Mansoor Naderi?**
I aim to present facts about Sayed Mansoor Naderi without passing judgment. Sayed Mansoor Naderi is one of the most influential figures in the history of Afghanistan's Ismaili community. He ascended from a religious minority to a position of significant political influence, ranking alongside prominent Afghan leaders such as Ahmad Shah Massoud, Burhanuddin Rabbani, Abdul Ali Mazari, Hamid Karzai, Atta Mohammad Noor, and Haji Mohammad Mohaqiq. His rise in a country like Afghanistan, where minority representation in leadership is rare, is a testament to his political acumen and success.
Most Ismailis regard Sayed Mansoor Naderi as their leader, and even non-Ismaili Afghans and the government recognize him as such. Critics who question his leadership often overlook the fact that no Afghan leader has been elected through a democratic process.
However, as the most powerful figure within the Ismaili community, Sayed Mansoor Naderi has his share of critics both within and outside the community. Historically, his critics within the Ismaili community were few, but their numbers have grown, especially on social media. Notably, many current critics were once his supporters and beneficiaries of his power.
During his tenure, individuals who now criticize Sayed Mansoor Naderi were deeply embedded within his power structure. For example, Saheb Nazar and his family were closely allied with Naderi's family, benefiting from their association. Similarly, General Haidar Khan held a high military position under Naderi's influence. Many who now oppose Naderi were once his allies, sharing in the power and benefits that came with it.
The power dynamics involving Sayed Mansoor Naderi are rooted in his religious and familial heritage, as his father was the religious representative of the global Ismaili Imam. This position was passed down through the family, and Sayed Mansoor Naderi's leadership is tied to his personal resolve and capabilities. About twenty years ago, official religious leadership shifted from his family to the Imamate offices, yet a significant portion of the Ismaili Hazara community maintained their allegiance to him.
Sayed Mansoor Naderi's leadership coincided with a period of intense political and social unrest in Afghanistan. Consequently, the Ismaili community experienced similar turbulence. As in the broader Afghan society, many Ismailis, including Naderi's family members, fell victim to targeted killings and assassinations.
**Who is Ibrahim Arezo and What is My Relationship with Him?**
Ibrahim Arezo was my father's brother, making him my uncle. I do not speak on behalf of Ibrahim Arezo or my father, as both are no longer with us. Any narrative without their verification would be a misuse of their legacy. Each of the descendants of Mohammad Ismail has their own families, and no one speaks on behalf of the entire family.
Ibrahim Arezo belonged to a prominent family in Niki, with his maternal relatives holding significant social standing. He was sent to Sayed Nadershah, Mansoor Naderi's father, for education, eventually becoming his secretary. This connection positioned Arezo and our family within the broader power structure of the Naderi family. However, due to local rivalries, Arezo's relationship with the Naderi family soured, leading to mutual enmity.
Arezo left his village, joining the Parcham and later the Khalq factions, both communist parties. He was an uneducated but talented poet and writer, with several of his works published in party-affiliated publications. Arezo's political allegiance made him a target of suspicion among the Ismailis, exacerbating the enmity between him and the Naderi family.
Arezo's assassination during Dr. Najibullah's government remains officially unexplained, with no entity claiming responsibility. However, given the hostility between Arezo and Naderi, many suspected Naderi's involvement. I refrain from making accusations without evidence, but it is plausible that those who were once Naderi's allies, now his critics, had a hand in Arezo's murder.
**Why Do I Associate with Sayed Mansoor Naderi?**
I am currently one of the most prominent descendants of Haji Ismail and a well-known figure among the Ismailis, maintaining a friendship with Sayed Mansoor Naderi. My decision to ally with him stems from a pragmatic evaluation of our historical enmity. It became clear that our feud with the Naderi family was being exploited by others to our detriment, and local adversaries used Naderi's name to oppress us.
Over twenty-three years ago, as a literature student, I began associating with Sayed Mansoor Naderi, assessing his impact on the Ismaili community. I concluded that he had provided significant leadership and protection during Afghanistan's most challenging times, integrating the Ismailis into the country's social and political fabric.
My alliance with Sayed Mansoor Naderi has transformed the power dynamics in our region, curtailing the misuse of his name against us. Ironically, those who once criticized us for opposing Naderi now question why we support him. My decision to ally with Naderi was made independently, and I continue to support him and his family's social and political positions within the Ismaili community.
In summary, I believe the Ismailis, as a religious minority, should strive for internal harmony, engage in dialogue and tolerance, and focus on their own and their families' well-being rather than perpetuating enmity. Sayed Mansoor Naderi and his family no longer hold power in Afghanistan, offering a chance for others to pursue leadership without attributing their shortcomings to him.
**Source:**
1. Original article in Farsi (Persian): https://www.rudabe.com/archives/49003